132 Juvenile Delinquency Essay Topic Ideas & Examples
🏆 best juvenile delinquency topic ideas & essay examples, 💡 interesting topics to write about juvenile delinquency, 📌 simple & easy juvenile delinquency essay titles, 👍 good essay topics on juvenile delinquency, ❓ research questions on juvenile delinquency, 💯 free juvenile delinquency essay topic generator.
- Juvenile Delinquency The defenders of the system on the other hand appreciate the marked role of juvenile justice system in rehabilitating juvenile delinquents and are advocating for the conservation of the system and reforming critical structures that […]
- The Relationship Between Parental Influence and Juvenile Delinquency Parents that do not allow their children to play with their neighbors, or discourage their children from associating with particular families lead to the children developing a negative attitude towards the families.
- Social Learning Theory and juvenile delinquency The empirical studies of the Social Learning Theory on juvenile delinquency helps to provide an insight on the past, present as well as the future of criminology i.e.the study sheds light on the future directions […]
- Juvenile Delinquency, Treatment, and Interventions The performance of the child in school is one of the individual factors that are likely to cause the child to get involved in violent behaviors.
- Problems of Juvenile Delinquency The main aim of writing this paper is to carry out an examination of a juvenile delinquent in order to understand what pushes them into doing the act and applicable solutions which can be applied […]
- Juvenile Delinquency and Criminal Gangs The proliferation of criminal gangs in my area of jurisdiction, as director of the county juvenile court, represents a nationwide problem. In the 1990s, the rate of crime rose in most parts of the world.
- Juvenile Delinquency: Criminological Theories These include the broken windows theory, the culture of the gang theory and the social disorganization theory. Cohen developed the culture of the gang theory to explain the origin of juvenile delinquency.
- Juvenile Delinquency’ Causes and Possible Treatments They investigated the issue in different perspectives but came up to the decision that the best way to treat young offenders is to utilize multisystemic therapy.
- Juvenile Delinquency Investigation The social learning theory that is a part of it suggests that children observe the behavior of others and replicate it.
- The Issue of Juvenile Delinquency: Recent Trends Violence and other criminal actions attract the attention of the government and the general public, as they affect the life of the society adversely.
- Combating Juvenile Delinquency: Projects Management In order to prevent and reduce juvenile violence, the City of Hampton develops and implements various activities that were mentioned above, promoting the importance of moral standards.
- Poverty Areas and Effects on Juvenile Delinquency The desire to live a better life contributes to the youths engaging in crimes, thus the increase in cases of juvenile delinquencies amid low-income families. The studies indicate that the fear of poverty is the […]
- Factors Associated With Juvenile Delinquency Further, the authors propose that the family should be the main focus of prevention and clinical interventions and that establishment of social policy and programs should be directed to the family.
- Juvenile Delinquency, Its Factors and Theories Under the individual risk factors, it is prudent to note that a lack of proper education coupled with lower intelligence might pose a serious risk to a minor in terms of engaging in criminal activities […]
- Adolescent Psychology and Juvenile Delinquency I will also promote the idea that when it comes to identifying the factors that contribute to the development of delinquency in youth, one must be willing to consider the effects of the combination of […]
- Juvenile Delinquency: Social Disorganization Theory Hence, according to Lopez and Gillespie, tenets of the social disorganization theory have been resourceful in the present-day juvenile delinquency system.
- Crime Prevention and Juvenile Delinquency As a specific jurisdiction that will serve as the basis for assessing and implementing the provisions of the crime prevention program, the District of Florida will be considered.
- Adolescent Diversion Project in Juvenile Delinquency Treatment in Michigan The focus of the program is to prevent future delinquency by creating social attachments to family and other prosocial youth by providing community resources and keeping individuals away from the juvenile justice system which can […]
- Juvenile Delinquency Theories in the United States School and family are extremely important to juveniles regarding their worldview, and the failure of those communities to guide them may result in turning to questionable ideals and morals.
- The Cognitive Theory in Juvenile Delinquency At this stage, a child can perform certain actions repeatedly and also be able to differentiate the means of doing actions.
- Juvenile Delinquency: The Columbine Shootings This paper seeks to discuss and analyze the casual theory of juvenile delinquency by describing an instance of juvenile delinquency as highlighted in the mass media, by describing the casual theory of juvenile delinquency with […]
- Juvenile Delinquency: Causes and Intervention The role of the family and parents cannot be discounted in the causes of juvenile delinquency. The courts and the lawyers are involved in the trial and sentencing of juvenile offenders.
- Juvenile Delinquency Recidivism Prevention Many studies have been carried out to examine the rates of recidivism among juveniles and the ineffectiveness of the juvenile prison.
- The Broken Homes and Juvenile Delinquency The level of measurement in this study will be to assess the frequency of involvement in crime by the children from the broken homes as well as those from the two parent families.
- The Juvenile Delinquency Rate In order to reduce the rate of crime committed by young people in my community, there is a need to educate the youth in matters of drug and substance abuse.
- The Phenomenon of Juvenile Delinquency They are very important in the proceedings and even have additional authority to propose a waiver of the subject. The judges are the other officials in a juvenile court system.
- Theories and Suggestions on Juvenile Delinquency The other factor is that the norms that governed relationships in the different family and societal set-ups such as in the school and the workplace are being challenged.
- Juvenile Delinquency and the Importance of Socialization At the time of the incident, according to the authors of the article, twenty students out of a total of thirty had arrived for the lecture.
- Juvenile Delinquency in the United States According to Pennsylvania laws, children at the age of 10 and above can be trialed as adults for first- and second-degree murders.
- Criminology Theories and Juvenile Delinquency From the point of view of labeling theory, the initial drinking and the first fight at the party is John’s primary deviance.
- Methodologies Used to Measure Acts of Juvenile Delinquency Before moving into the aspects of measurement of actions of juvenile delinquents, it is necessary to define and know what a juvenile delinquent is, and what actions fall within the ambit of juvenile delinquency.
- Theories of Juvenile Delinquency Research showed individuals’ attitudes toward crime may herald their criminal behavior, in agreement with criminological theories such as control theory, learning theory and psychological theories like the theory of reasoned action.
- The Concepts of Nature and Nurture in Modern Psychologist to Explain Juvenile Delinquency Hence any behavior exhibited by a juvenile that is in total contrast with the value demands of the larger society can be termed as Juvenile Delinquency. On the one hand, it is believed that Juvenile […]
- Drugs Influence on Juvenile Delinquency Additionally, parents are the ones who know the strengths and weaknesses of the children since they spend most of their time together, their suggestions and views towards the crime committed should be handled with a […]
- Juvenile Delinquency and Reasons That Lead to It Irrespective of the cause of juvenile delinquency, juvenile drug abuse is certainly most commonly related directly to either an increase or a decrease in any form of juvenile delinquency. This correlates to the increase in […]
- Life Without Parole and Juvenile Delinquency The United States is one of the few countries which recognize the necessity of sentencing juveniles to life without parole. This is the main and only advantage of this approach.
- Juvenile Delinquency: Risk Assessment The investigatory processes to know the individual’s character and personality involve the use of complex and simple approaches, and these serve to provide organizations or institutions dealing with child welfare with important information that would […]
- The Impact of Media on Juvenile Delinquency Besides, the media have been at the forefront of the fight against juvenile-related crimes. In this view, this document aims at critically evaluating the role of various forms of media in escalating juvenile delinquency, and […]
- Prevent Juvenile Delinquency in the USA Due to this fact, it is possible to describe the existing problem as the increase in the number of crimes that children commit.
- Court Unification and Juvenile Delinquency Speaking about the given issue, it is important to give the clear definition of this category and determine who could be judged by the juvenile court.
- Day Treatment Centers and Juvenile Delinquency One of the core aspects that should not be disregarded is that such programs may be used as a particular assessment tool that would help to identify needs of a juvenile, and this approach may […]
- Juvenile Delinquency: Three Levels of Prevention It is made up of programs and ideals which are effective in treatment of the offender, reintegrating them in the society and limiting them from committing similar offenses. In conclusion, though most prevention programs are […]
- The Issue of Juvenile Delinquency At the onset of the industrial revolution, public awareness concerning the fair and ethical treatment of children in workplaces emerged. The role of supervising and guiding children is left to other children, grandparents, or hired […]
- Gangs and Juvenile Delinquency Hallsworth and Silverstone argues that although there have been a lot of violence, the main source is not quite clear and people live by speculations that the violence is linked to the emergence of a […]
- Juvenile Delinquency is a Product of Nurture These criminals have been exposed to unfavorable conditions in their lives such as violence and poverty and turn to criminal behavior as a coping mechanism.
- Juvenile Delinquency in Ancient and Modern Times The only policy related to juvenile delinquency existing in ancient Greece was the law that prohibited the youth in ancient Greece from beating their parents.
- The Problem of Juvenile Delinquency The addition of family context to the existing perception of adolescent crimes could be used to explore the core reasons for the crimes and to define possible methods for the prevention of juvenile crimes. The […]
- Role of Family in Reducing Juvenile Delinquency Players in the criminal justice system recognize the contribution of family and familial factors to the development of criminal and delinquent tendencies and their potential to minimize minors’ engagement in illegal and socially unacceptable behaviors.
- Juvenile Delinquency and Affecting Factors The information gathered, synthesized, and analyzed in the research with the help of the proposed question has future value as it identifies factors that can be impacted by the society representatives.
- Single Parenthood and Juvenile Delinquency in Modern Society The proposal seeks to establish the relationship between single parenthood and the increase in juvenile delinquency. I propose addressing child delinquency from the perspective of social and family background to understand the risks associated with […]
- Developing Solutions to the Juvenile Delinquency Problem These include the creation of a creative activity center, the mandatory introduction of art classes in schools, and the implementation of urban sports programs.
- Implementing an Arts Program to Help Curb Juvenile Delinquency and Reduce Recidivism Therefore, the pieces of art will be customized to rhyme with society needs of the targeted children and the adolescents. Some of the enrollees to this program will be delinquents.
- Juvenile Delinquency: The Case Analysis The tracking of the juvenile from juvenile court to adult court and then through the system is shown in the outline below: Arrest.
- Juvenile Delinquency: Impact of Collective Efficacy and Mental Illnesses The perception of collective efficacy can be defined as the consideration that the people in a neighborhood are trustable and can do their part to partake in social control to benefit a specific community.
- Poverty and Juvenile Delinquency in the United States
- Roles of Family, School, and Church in Juvenile Delinquency
- Understanding Juvenile Delinquency and the Different Ways to Stop the Problem in Our Society
- Juvenile Delinquency and Crime as an Integral Part of the American Society
- Impact of Television Violence In Relation To Juvenile Delinquency
- The Vicious Circle of Child Abuse, Juvenile Delinquency, and Future Abuse
- Juvenile Delinquency, Domestic Violence, and the Effects of Substance Abuse
- The Explorers Program as a Preventative Measure in Juvenile Delinquency
- Juvenile Delinquency, Youth Culture, and Renegade Kids, Suburban Outlaws by Wooden
- The Alarming Rate of Juvenile Delinquency and Cases of Teenage Suicides in the U.S
- The Line Between Juvenile Delinquency And Adult Penalties
- Home Social Environment and Juvenile Delinquency
- The Effects of Neighborhood Crime on the Level of Juvenile Delinquency
- Interpersonal Learning Theory Plus Juvenile Delinquency
- How to Prevent Juvenile Delinquency in the U.S
- Relationship Between Juvenile Delinquency and Learning Disabilities
- The Impact of Television Violence and Its Relation to Juvenile Delinquency
- The Lack of Strong Parental Figures Causes Juvenile Delinquency
- Theories of Juvenile Delinquency: Why Young Individuals Commit Crimes
- Using Drugs and Juvenile Delinquency
- Theory of Social Disorganization and Juvenile Delinquency
- What Is the Best Way to Combat Juvenile Delinquency?
- The Marxist Crime Perspective On Juvenile Delinquency Of African Americans
- The Failures of the Act of Juvenile Delinquency in the United States
- Juvenile Delinquency And Its Effects On The Adult Justice System
- Juvenile Delinquency Contributing Factors Current Research and Intervention
- Impact Of Single Parents On Juvenile Delinquency Rates
- Video Game Violence Leading to Juvenile Delinquency
- Juvenile Delinquency: Exploring Factors of Gender and Family
- The Psychological Aspect of Juvenile Delinquency
- The Antisocial Behavior Leading to Juvenile Delinquency
- Lead and Juvenile Delinquency: New Evidence from Linked Birth, School and Juvenile Detention Records
- The Role of Family in Preventing Juvenile Delinquency and Behavioural Patterns of Children
- The Relationship Between Poverty and Juvenile Delinquency
- The Importance of Family in the Behavior of Children and in Preventing Juvenile Delinquency
- Preventing and Dealing with Juvenile Delinquency
- How Family Structures Can Play a Role in Juvenile Delinquency
- Juvenile Delinquency and A Child’s Emotional Needs
- Family Structural Changes and Juvenile Delinquency
- The Causes of the Problem of Juvenile Delinquency in the United States
- Juvenile Delinquency And The Juvenile Justice System
- The Curfew: Issues On Juvenile Delinquency And Constitutional Rights
- The Socioeconomic Triggers of Juvenile Delinquency: Analysis of “The Outsiders”
- Exploring the Root Causes of the Problem of Juvenile Delinquency
- The Rise of Juvenile Delinquency and the Flaws of the Juvenile Justice System
- The Causes And Possible Solutions Of Juvenile Delinquency
- The History of the Juvenile Delinquency and the Process of the Juvenile Justice System in Malaysia
- The Issue of Juvenile Delinquency Among Girls in the United States
- What Is the Importance of Studying Juvenile Delinquency?
- Does Authoritative Parenting Impact Juvenile Delinquency?
- What Are the Factors of Juvenile Delinquency?
- What Are Juvenile Delinquency Causes and Solutions?
- What Type of Problem Is Juvenile Delinquency?
- How Can Family Structures Play a Role in Juvenile Delinquency?
- What Is the Concept of Juvenile Delinquency?
- How Do You Explain Juvenile Delinquency?
- How Does Poverty and the Environment Cause or Contribute to Juvenile Delinquency?
- What Are the Leading Causes of Juvenile Delinquency?
- How Does Family Contribute to Juvenile Delinquency?
- How the Juvenile Delinquency Impact Society?
- Why Is Juvenile Delinquency a Problem?
- What Factors Cause Juvenile Delinquency?
- What Is the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency?
- What Are the Types of Juvenile Delinquency?
- What Is an Example of a Juvenile Delinquent?
- How Can We Prevent Juvenile Delinquency?
- How Does Juvenile Delinquency Affect the Community?
- How Does Juvenile Delinquency Affect Education?
- Why Is Juvenile Delinquency a Problem in Our Society?
- How Does Juvenile Delinquency Affect the Individual?
- What Is Another Name for Juvenile Delinquency?
- What Causes Juvenile Delinquency?
- How Does Birth Order Affect Juvenile Delinquency?
- What Is the Main Problem in Juvenile Delinquency?
- What Is the Difference Between Crime and Juvenile Delinquency?
- What Are Some Effects of Juvenile Delinquency?
- How Does Juvenile Delinquency Affect Social Life?
- What Is the Nature of Juvenile Delinquency?
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Detention Interesting Essay Topic Ideas
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Essay on Detention and Arrest
The Criminal Code specifies when a suspect may be arrested. In general, the police must have reasonable and probable reasons to suspect a person is committing a crime. When a person is detained or arrested, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms applies to some privileges (Brantingham et al., 2017). There have been many cases where the Canadian police perform the street check, detain citizens unlawfully based on their personal opinions, and charge them for different offenses than what they were officially charged with. This paper seeks to explain the rights of people when they are detained and arrested by police. It also elaborates on the judge’s decisions on cases where the police have violated the laws of detention and arrest on people. We shall refer to the Regina v. Lee case, where the accused was stopped for speeding but ended up being charged with possession of drugs which is a breach of Section 8.
Regina v. Lee case
In Regina v. Daniel Yet-Wai Lee, the Chinese immigrant was detained following a motor vehicle stop for speeding. The constable conducted an unlawful search in his pockets, where a crack pipe and a paper flap containing heroin were located. He then searched his vehicle. This search uncovered two cell phones, 14 crack cocaine, 16 flaps of powered cocaine, two flaps of heroin, and $1810 cash. They located these items in various bags in the vehicle. The defendant challenged the three-year sentence for possession of heroin for trafficking, cocaine for trafficking, and possession of a prohibited firearm. The charges pressed against the appellant were different from what he was initially arrested for, speeding, which is a breach of section 8.
Detention and Arrest
In the absence of grounds for legitimate detention, street checks entail stopping people in public areas, asking them for identifying information, and entering that information into a police database. Many locations across Canada now perform street checks without any regulating laws, rules, or regulations. Instead, police officers claim that supposed common law rights authorize the activity or that no police powers are being exercised because the subject is not being held (Gorman, 2020). Even in locations where laws have been enacted, there are still questions about the grounds for performing a street check and how they are carried out. In the journal of Grewcock & Sentas (2019), in the case of R. v. Lopez-Gomez, Judge Bagnall said, “Since there were no grounds for his arrest at that point, Mr. Lopez Gomez was in fact free to leave without identifying himself. He could lawfully have indicated to the officer that he did not wish to produce identification and he could have walked away, without any consequence in law at all”.
Apart from unlawful searches on street checks, recently, street checks have become the subject of several legal disputes and press articles across Canada. Some believe that street checks are done biased, raising issues about the practice’s constitutionality. Others say that street checks are a valuable investigative tool that helps to keep the public secure (Bilefsky, 2019). The discriminatory manner in which police officers perform street checks is one of the issues raised by street check procedures. Young guys from racial minority groups are the most commonly targeted by discriminatory police actions. Thus their chances of being stopped for a street check are not equal for everyone. Discriminatory policing has a significant impact on both individuals and communities.
Furthermore, young people’s rights under the Charter and the Youth Criminal Justice Act are violated during street inspections (Inculet, 2020). The Ontario Regulations appear to have incorporated measures to remedy some of the Charter violations, although they were approved without distinguishing between juvenile and adult street check processes. In reality, it appears that they took no attempt to evaluate whether the provisions of the Youth Criminal Justice Act were being violated. Even where the Regulations claim to remedy specific Charter violations, they fall well short of addressing the pervasive violation of the Charter during street check operations. When a young person is the subject of a street check, the only obvious step ahead is to outlaw the practice. The recommended measures early aim to guarantee that street checks do not infringe on individual rights or extend police authority unilaterally. In the case of young individuals subjected to street inspections, it is suggested that the only reasonable next step is to abolish the practice.
According to the findings of an independent study, random street checks, or carding, should be outlawed since there is little evidence that the practice effectively decreases crime and disproportionately affects people of color. The study was written by Court of Appeal Justice Michael Tulloch, commissioned by the former Liberal administration in 2017 to evaluate a new provincial law on carding, which involves halting and recording people who aren’t suspected of committing a crime (Cromwell & Gelinas-Faucher, 2018). The rule detailed the circumstances in which cops might stop someone and ask for their information, as well as barring arbitrary stops, which Tulloch believes should be expressly mentioned in the regulation. The law also included new rules to regulate those encounters in the law, including a requirement that the officer advises the subject that they are not required to disclose identifying information. Many other areas, according to Tulloch, have not seen an uptick in criminal activity as a result of the change in arresting procedures. “There is little to no evidence that the advantages of a random, unfocused gathering of identifying information exceed the societal cost,” he added, given the high social cost of practices that has yet to be definitively shown to reduce or solve the crime. It is recommended that randomly stopping people and collecting their identifying information to create a database for intelligence purposes be phased out in those jurisdictions that still use it.
When evidence or circumstances exist that indicate a crime has been, is being, or will be committed, an officer has reasonable suspicion. Investigators can hold, frisk, and interview the person or individuals they suspect if they have probable doubt. In many situations, reasonable suspicion is based on likelihood rather than perfect certainty. Officers can use reasonable suspicion to prevent crimes from happening, which means they can stop and temporarily hold someone if they think they are involved in illegal conduct.
Under the fourth amendment, the United States can stop and detain someone. According to the Constitution, a law enforcement officer must justify a stop based on more than a mere suspicion or hunch (Roziere & Walby, 2019). The termination must be explained by a specific and articulable fear of criminal behavior. A profile can be a valuable tool in classifying and assigning clear significance to seemingly harmless conduct when establishing and articulating reasonable suspicion. However, each officer’s decision to hold someone must be based on the specific circumstances available at the time of the stop, as well as the officer’s training and expertise. Like prosecutors and judges, police officers require a certain amount of leeway to act, including the ability to work on their instincts. Even more than judges and prosecutors, police officers must act swiftly and without all necessary facts. They frequently must draw on experiential wisdom that may not be conveyable in words that satisfy a trained jurist. Innocent people’s rights are protected and criminals apprehended.
In the Regina v. Lee case, the main question, in this case, is whether the accused was adequately held, allowing the searches to take place on him and his car. There is no doubt that once the computer findings were received, Cst. Glendinning intended to hold the accused to investigate whether or not he was abiding by the terms of his bail order. The subsequent detention had nothing to do with the traffic stop for a speeding violation—unfortunately, Cst. Glendinning had no cause to think that the accused was violating his restrictions, justified or not. It violated section Article 8 of the Charter. According to the evidence presented to the judge, there was no continuing criminal offense to which the charge could be linked. During her testimony, the constable never claimed to have such a notion. The accused’s imprisonment was illegal and arbitrary in the absence of articulable cause or reasonable grounds. The accused had the right to walk away from the constable and do whatever he wanted because the detention was illegal. He had every right to go to his car and dial his lawyer’s number. More significantly, Cst. Glendinning had no legal right to physically prohibit the accused from going away unless there was the articulable cause or legitimate reasons for his detention.
The basic rule is that if police have probable cause to search a vehicle (cars, trucks, motorbikes, bicycles, or boats), they can do so without a warrant. In this case, probable cause implies a good chance that contraband or other criminal evidence is currently inside the car. If the alleged offender is within reach of the automobile when the police perform the search, the police may be permitted to examine the vehicle’s passenger cabin. All containers (open or closed) and storage places (glove box, console) are included in the passenger compartment, not the trunk (Gallini, 2020). When you’re arrested somewhere else, like on the street or at the mall, an officer can’t search your home or car. A geographical link between the arrest and the search is required to justify the police actions to search the accused as a requirement to arrest them. The law enforcement agency has broad authority to search the detained individual and the area under their immediate control. They can detain you in a fashion that allows them to retrieve evidence if they have reasonable reasons to suspect you have proof in your body related to the offense for which you are being arrested. If you give them “informed permission,” the cops can search you. This guideline indicates that you are aware of the potential implications of the search and agree to allow them to search you. You must limit the scope of the investigation to what you have decided. The cops must explain why they want to search you.
On the other hand, the police have to provide the reasons they know about when they seek your approval. If the police have reasonable grounds to believe that you are involved in a crime and need to hold you to investigate, they have limited rights to search you. If they think their safety or the safety of others is in jeopardy, they might conduct a precautionary “pat down” search for firearms.
When the detention is illegal, the standard law rules permitting a protective pat-down search of a suspect during investigative custody do not apply. About Regina v. Lee case, this accused’s imprisonment was unconstitutional. Even if the accused’s detention had been legal, we would have been concerned about the legality of searching the accused’s pockets. That search went beyond the allowed precautionary pat-down search during investigative detention, such as the police were doing with this suspect. The fairest conclusion to take from the facts presented before the judge is that the police searched the accused’s pockets for evidence that would incriminate him in a crime involving his bail terms.
The officer did not search the vehicle for safety considerations. The accused was handcuffed at the time the officers inspected the car. As he awaited transfer from the site in a police van, he was plainly under the custody of many police officers. Officer safety was not a legitimate concern under the circumstances. The scope of the vehicle search supports this judgment. The presence of the drug dog indicates that the cops were hunting for more narcotics in the car (Gallini, 2020). Mr. Justice Martin in R. v. Moran said, “Although a police officer is entitled to question any person in order to obtain information with respect to a suspected offence, as a general rule, he has no power to compel the person questioned to answer. Moreover, he has no power to detain a person for questioning and if the person questioned declines to answer, the police officer must allow him to proceed on his way unless he arrests him on reasonable and probable grounds.”
Many individuals think that if the police fail to provide Miranda warnings to the detained person, the case will be dismissed. Miranda says that if the police interview an in-custody suspect and intend to utilize any of her replies as evidence, she must be given a warning. If the police do not give you a Miranda warning, nothing you say in response to their interrogation can be used against you in court (Jochelson et al., 2020).
In Regina v. Lee case, the evidence discovered from searching the accused and his car should be excluded, according to the defense, since the police failed to honor the right of counsel of the accused. This method, according to the judge, is logically unsound. Firstly, they did not find the evidence in question due to denying the right to counsel. It was seen as a consequence of two searches that either was or were not constitutionally acceptable. Second, assuming that the accused was arrested correctly or detained, the circumstances justified the judge’s delay in granting him the chance to summon a council was warranted. In this aspect, the judge acknowledged that Cst. Glendinning was legitimately concerned about the accused’s probable assault. Her worries stemmed from the accused’s mental condition, his behavior when she initially inquired for his driver’s license, his anxiety, and his extreme physical presentation after he was forced out of the vehicle. Her concern was, in my opinion, legitimate from an objective one. In these circumstances, the constable was within his rights to put the accused’s right to call his counsel on hold until the backup unit arrived. The issue and the accused would be “under control” once cops arrived to help her. It was just a matter of minutes until the predicted delay occurred. In the circumstances, this delay was not excessive, and it came far short of a violation of article 10(b) of the human rights regulations.
Under Section 8, anyone has the right to freedom of unlawful detention and arrest, as well as unwanted searches. The topic of whether searches are reasonable in various contexts, as well as the ancillary matter of whether evidence collected during investigations can be used at trial, has been addressed in court judgments. Whereas street checks are necessary to curb criminals, the police have often assumed the law and violated human rights. Many people haven’t realized when the police have breached the human rights charter when they are arrested and charged for different cases than they were initially arrested for. A search is typically considered justified only when the law allows and terms appropriate, and the investigation is conducted reasonably. Section 8 of the Constitution safeguards the public’s reasonable expectation of privacy from government interference. Therefore, the exception to section 8 is when the right to privacy is not violated in the process. Furthermore, a lower threshold of reasonableness will result from a reduced expectation of privacy.
Bilefsky, D. (2019). What You Need to Know about the Huawei Court Case in Canada. The New York Times .
Brantingham, P., Brantingham, P., & Kinney, B. (2017). Criminology in Canada: the context of its criminology (pp. 360-376). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.
Cromwell, T., & Gelinas-Faucher, B. (2018). William Schabas, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and International Human Rights Law. Arcs of Global Justice: Essays in Honour of William A. Schabas (OUP 2018), University of Cambridge Faculty of Law Research Paper , (29).
Gallini, B. R. (2020). Suspects, Cars & Police Dogs: A Complicated Relationship. Washington Law Review, 95(4), 1725.
Gorman, W. K. (2020). The Constitutional Stopping of Motor Vehicles in Canada and the United States: A Comparative Analysis. Ct. Rev. , 56 , 100.
Grewcock, M., & Sentas, V. (2019). Rethinking strip searches by NSW Police.
Inculet, C. M. (2020). Police Detectives in Canada . Electronic Books In Print.
Jochelson, R., Ireland, D., Ziegler, R., Brenner, E., & Kramar, K. (2020). Generation and deployment of common law police powers by Canadian Courts and the double-edged Charter. Critical Criminology , 1-20.
R. v. Lee, 2006 BCPC 517 (CanLII), < https://canlii.ca/t/1q3bz >, retrieved on 2021-07-07
Roziere, B., & Walby, K. (2019). Police militarization in Canada: Media rhetoric and operational realities. Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice , 13 (4), 470-482.
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Sweeping Raids, Giant Camps and Mass Deportations: Inside Trump’s 2025 Immigration Plans
If he regains power, Donald Trump wants not only to revive some of the immigration policies criticized as draconian during his presidency, but expand and toughen them.
Donald Trump wants to reimpose a Covid 19-era policy of refusing asylum claims — this time basing that refusal on assertions that migrants carry other infectious diseases like tuberculosis. Credit... Doug Mills/The New York Times
By Charlie Savage , Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan
- Nov. 11, 2023
Former President Donald J. Trump is planning an extreme expansion of his first-term crackdown on immigration if he returns to power in 2025 — including preparing to round up undocumented people already in the United States on a vast scale and detain them in sprawling camps while they wait to be expelled.
The plans would sharply restrict both legal and illegal immigration in a multitude of ways.
Mr. Trump wants to revive his first-term border policies, including banning entry by people from certain Muslim-majority nations and reimposing a Covid 19-era policy of refusing asylum claims — though this time he would base that refusal on assertions that migrants carry other infectious diseases like tuberculosis.
He plans to scour the country for unauthorized immigrants and deport people by the millions per year.
To help speed mass deportations, Mr. Trump is preparing an enormous expansion of a form of removal that does not require due process hearings. To help Immigration and Customs Enforcement carry out sweeping raids, he plans to reassign other federal agents and deputize local police officers and National Guard soldiers voluntarily contributed by Republican-run states.
To ease the strain on ICE detention facilities, Mr. Trump wants to build huge camps to detain people while their cases are processed and they await deportation flights. And to get around any refusal by Congress to appropriate the necessary funds, Mr. Trump would redirect money in the military budget, as he did in his first term to spend more on a border wall than Congress had authorized.
In a public reference to his plans, Mr. Trump told a crowd in Iowa in September: “Following the Eisenhower model, we will carry out the largest domestic deportation operation in American history.” The reference was to a 1954 campaign to round up and expel Mexican immigrants that was named for an ethnic slur — “ Operation Wetback .”
The constellation of Mr. Trump’s 2025 plans amounts to an assault on immigration on a scale unseen in modern American history. Millions of undocumented immigrants would be barred from the country or uprooted from it years or even decades after settling here.
Such a scale of planned removals would raise logistical, financial and diplomatic challenges and would be vigorously challenged in court. But there is no mistaking the breadth and ambition of the shift Mr. Trump is eyeing.
In a second Trump presidency, the visas of foreign students who participated in anti-Israel or pro-Palestinian protests would be canceled. U.S. consular officials abroad will be directed to expand ideological screening of visa applicants to block people the Trump administration considers to have undesirable attitudes. People who were granted temporary protected status because they are from certain countries deemed unsafe, allowing them to lawfully live and work in the United States, would have that status revoked.
Similarly, numerous people who have been allowed to live in the country temporarily for humanitarian reasons would also lose that status and be kicked out, including tens of thousands of the Afghans who were evacuated amid the 2021 Taliban takeover and allowed to enter the United States. Afghans holding special visas granted to people who helped U.S. forces would be revetted to see if they really did.
And Mr. Trump would try to end birthright citizenship for babies born in the United States to undocumented parents — by proclaiming that policy to be the new position of the government and by ordering agencies to cease issuing citizenship-affirming documents like Social Security cards and passports to them. That policy’s legal legitimacy, like nearly all of Mr. Trump’s plans, would be virtually certain to end up before the Supreme Court.
In interviews with The New York Times, several Trump advisers gave the most expansive and detailed description yet of Mr. Trump’s immigration agenda in a potential second term. In particular, Mr. Trump’s campaign referred questions for this article to Stephen Miller, an architect of Mr. Trump’s first-term immigration policies who remains close to him and is expected to serve in a senior role in a second administration.
All of the steps Trump advisers are preparing, Mr. Miller contended in a wide-ranging interview, rely on existing statutes; while the Trump team would likely seek a revamp of immigration laws, the plan was crafted to need no new substantive legislation. And while acknowledging that lawsuits would arise to challenge nearly every one of them, he portrayed the Trump team’s daunting array of tactics as a “blitz” designed to overwhelm immigrant-rights lawyers.
“Any activists who doubt President Trump’s resolve in the slightest are making a drastic error: Trump will unleash the vast arsenal of federal powers to implement the most spectacular migration crackdown,” Mr. Miller said, adding, “The immigration legal activists won’t know what’s happening.”
Todd Schulte, the president of FWD.us, an immigration and criminal justice advocacy group that repeatedly fought the Trump administration, said the Trump team’s plans relied on “xenophobic demagoguery” that appeals to his hardest-core political base.
“Americans should understand these policy proposals are an authoritarian, often illegal, agenda that would rip apart nearly every aspect of American life — tanking the economy, violating the basic civil rights of millions of immigrants and native-born Americans alike,” Mr. Schulte said.
‘Poisoning the Blood’
Since Mr. Trump left office, the political environment on immigration has moved in his direction. He is also more capable now of exploiting that environment if he is re-elected than he was when he first won election as an outsider.
The ebbing of the Covid-19 pandemic and resumption of travel flows have helped stir a global migrant crisis, with millions of Venezuelans and Central Americans fleeing turmoil and Africans arriving in Latin American countries before continuing their journey north . Amid the record numbers of migrants at the southern border and beyond it in cities like New York and Chicago, voters are frustrated and even some Democrats are calling for tougher action against immigrants and pressuring the White House to better manage the crisis.
Mr. Trump and his advisers see the opening, and now know better how to seize it. The aides Mr. Trump relied upon in the chaotic early days of his first term were sometimes at odds and lacked experience in how to manipulate the levers of federal power. By the end of his first term, cabinet officials and lawyers who sought to restrain some of his actions — like his Homeland Security secretary and chief of staff, John F. Kelly — had been fired, and those who stuck with him had learned much.
In a second term, Mr. Trump plans to install a team that will not restrain him.
Since much of Mr. Trump’s first-term immigration crackdown was tied up in the courts, the legal environment has tilted in his favor: His four years of judicial appointments left behind federal appellate courts and a Supreme Court that are far more conservative than the courts that heard challenges to his first-term policies.
The fight over Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals provides an illustration.
DACA is an Obama-era program that shields from deportation and grants work permits to people who were brought unlawfully to the United States as children. Mr. Trump tried to end it, but the Supreme Court blocked him on procedural grounds in June 2020.
Mr. Miller said Mr. Trump would try again to end DACA. And the 5-4 majority of the Supreme Court that blocked the last attempt no longer exists: A few months after the DACA ruling, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg died and Mr. Trump replaced her with a sixth conservative, Justice Amy Coney Barrett.
Mr. Trump’s rhetoric has more than kept up with his increasingly extreme agenda on immigration.
His stoking of fear and anger toward immigrants — pushing for a border wall and calling Mexicans rapists — fueled his 2016 takeover of the Republican Party. As president, he privately mused about developing a militarized border like Israel’s, asked whether migrants crossing the border could be shot in the legs and wanted a proposed border wall topped with flesh-piercing spikes and painted black to burn migrants’ skin.
As he has campaigned for the party’s third straight presidential nomination, his anti-immigrant tone has only grown harsher. In a recent interview with a right-wing website , Mr. Trump claimed without evidence that foreign leaders were deliberately emptying their “insane asylums” to send the patients across America’s southern border as migrants. He said migrants were “ poisoning the blood of our country .” And at a rally on Wednesday in Florida , he compared them to the fictional serial killer and cannibal Hannibal Lecter, saying, “That’s what’s coming into our country right now.”
Mr. Trump had similarly vowed to carry out mass deportations when running for office in 2016, but the government only managed several hundred thousand removals per year under his presidency, on par with other recent administrations. If they get another opportunity, Mr. Trump and his team are determined to achieve annual numbers in the millions.
Keeping People Out
Mr. Trump’s immigration plan is to pick up where he left off and then go much farther. He would not only revive some of the policies that were criticized as draconian during his presidency, many of which the Biden White House ended, but also expand and toughen them.
One example centers on expanding first-term policies aimed at keeping people out of the country. Mr. Trump plans to suspend the nation’s refugee program and once again categorically bar visitors from troubled countries, reinstating a version of his ban on travel from several mostly Muslim-majority countries, which President Biden called discriminatory and ended on his first day in office .
Mr. Trump would also use coercive diplomacy to induce other nations to help, including by making cooperation a condition of any other bilateral engagement, Mr. Miller said. For example, a second Trump administration would seek to re-establish an agreement with Mexico that asylum seekers remain there while their claims are processed. (It is not clear that Mexico would agree ; a Mexican court has said that deal violated human rights .)
Mr. Trump would also push to revive “safe third country” agreements with several nations in Central America, and try to expand them to Africa, Asia and South America. Under such deals, countries agree to take would-be asylum seekers from specific other nations and let them apply for asylum there instead.
While such arrangements have traditionally only covered migrants who had previously passed through a third country, federal law does not require that limit and a second Trump administration would seek to make those deals without it, in part as a deterrent to migrants making what the Trump team views as illegitimate asylum claims.
At the same time, Mr. Miller said, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention would invoke the public health emergency powers law known as Title 42 to again refuse to hear any asylum claims by people arriving at the southern border. The Trump administration had internally discussed that idea early in Mr. Trump’s term, but some cabinet secretaries pushed back, arguing that there was no public health emergency that would legally justify it. The administration ultimately implemented it during the coronavirus pandemic.
Saying the idea has since gained acceptance in practice — Mr. Biden initially kept the policy — Mr. Miller said Mr. Trump would invoke Title 42, citing “severe strains of the flu, tuberculosis, scabies, other respiratory illnesses like R.S.V. and so on, or just a general issue of mass migration being a public health threat and conveying a variety of communicable diseases.”
Mr. Trump and his aides have not yet said whether they would re-enact one of the most contentious deterrents to unauthorized immigration that he pursued as president: separating children from their parents , which led to trauma among migrants and difficulties in reuniting families. When pressed, Mr. Trump has repeatedly declined to rule out reviving the policy . After an outcry over the practice, Mr. Trump ended it in 2018 and a judge later blocked the government from putting it back into effect.
Soon after Mr. Trump announced his 2024 campaign for president last November, he met with Tom Homan, who ran ICE for the first year and a half of the Trump administration and was an early proponent of separating families to deter migrants.
In an interview, Mr. Homan recalled that in that meeting, he “agreed to come back” in a second term and would “help to organize and run the largest deportation operation this country’s ever seen.”
Trump advisers’ vision of abrupt mass deportations would be a recipe for social and economic turmoil, disrupting the housing market and major industries including agriculture and the service sector.
Mr. Miller cast such disruption in a favorable light.
“Mass deportation will be a labor-market disruption celebrated by American workers, who will now be offered higher wages with better benefits to fill these jobs,” he said. “Americans will also celebrate the fact that our nation’s laws are now being applied equally, and that one select group is no longer magically exempt.”
One planned step to overcome the legal and logistical hurdles would be to significantly expand a form of fast-track deportations known as “expedited removal.” It denies undocumented immigrants the usual hearings and opportunity to file appeals, which can take months or years — especially when people are not in custody — and has led to a large backlog. A 1996 law says people can be subject to expedited removal for up to two years after arriving, but to date the executive branch has used it more cautiously, swiftly expelling people picked up near the border soon after crossing.
The Trump administration tried to expand the use of expedited removal , but a court blocked it and then the Biden team canceled the expansion. It remains unclear whether the Supreme Court will rule that it is constitutional to use the law against people who have been living for a significant period in the United States and express fear of persecution if sent home.
Mr. Trump has also said he would invoke an archaic law, the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 , to expel suspected members of drug cartels and criminal gangs without due process. That law allows for summary deportation of people from countries with which the United States is at war, that have invaded the United States or that have engaged in “predatory incursions.”
The Supreme Court has upheld past uses of that law in wartime. But its text seems to require a link to the actions of a foreign government , so it is not clear whether the justices will allow a president to stretch it to encompass drug cartel activity.
More broadly, Mr. Miller said a new Trump administration would shift from the ICE practice of arresting specific people to carrying out workplace raids and other sweeps in public places aimed at arresting scores of unauthorized immigrants at once.
To make the process of finding and deporting undocumented immigrants already living inside the country “radically more quick and efficient,” he said, the Trump team would bring in “ the right kinds of attorneys and the right kinds of policy thinkers” willing to carry out such ideas.
And because of the magnitude of arrests and deportations being contemplated, they plan to build “vast holding facilities that would function as staging centers” for immigrants as their cases progress and they wait to be flown to other countries.
Mr. Miller said the new camps would likely be built “on open land in Texas near the border.”
He said the military would construct them under the authority and control of the Department of Homeland Security. While he cautioned that there were no specific blueprints yet, he said the camps would look professional and similar to other facilities for migrants that have been built near the border .
Such camps could also enable the government to speed up the pace and volume of deportations of undocumented people who have lived in the United States for years and so are not subject to fast-track removal. If pursuing a long-shot effort to win permission to remain in the country would mean staying locked up in the interim, some may give up and voluntarily accept removal without going through the full process.
The use of these camps, Mr. Miller said, would likely be focused more on single adults because the government cannot indefinitely hold children under a longstanding court order known as the Flores settlement. So any families brought to the facilities would have to be moved in and out more quickly, he said.
The Trump administration tried to overturn the Flores settlement, but the Supreme Court did not resolve the matter before Mr. Trump’s term ended. Mr. Miller said the Trump team would try again.
To increase the number of agents available for ICE sweeps, Mr. Miller said, officials from other federal law enforcement agencies would be temporarily reassigned, and state National Guard troops and local police officers, at least from willing Republican-led states, would be deputized for immigration control efforts.
While a law known as the Posse Comitatus Act generally forbids the use of the armed forces for law enforcement purposes, another law called the Insurrection Act creates an exception. Mr. Trump would invoke the Insurrection Act at the border, enabling the use of federal troops to apprehend migrants, Mr. Miller said.
“Bottom line,” he said, “President Trump will do whatever it takes.”
Zolan Kanno-Youngs and Eileen Sullivan contributed reporting. Kitty Bennett contributed research.
Charlie Savage writes about national security and legal policy. He has been a journalist for more than two decades. More about Charlie Savage
Maggie Haberman is a senior political correspondent and the author of “Confidence Man: The Making of Donald Trump and the Breaking of America.” She was part of a team that won a Pulitzer Prize in 2018 for reporting on President Trump’s advisers and their connections to Russia. More about Maggie Haberman
Jonathan Swan is a political reporter who focuses on campaigns and Congress. As a reporter for Axios, he won an Emmy Award for his 2020 interview of then-President Donald J. Trump, and the White House Correspondents’ Association’s Aldo Beckman Award for “overall excellence in White House coverage” in 2022. More about Jonathan Swan
Inside Trump’s 2025 Plans
Here’s how the former president and his allies are planning to wield power in a second term..
If he wins another term, Donald Trump said that he’d “go after” President Biden, embracing a radical strategy to erode the post-Watergate norm of Justice Department independence .
Trump and his backers aren’t looking just to revamp the Justice Department. They also want to increase presidential power over other federal agencies .
The Biden administration is trying to Trump-proof the federal work force , hoping to thwart the former president’s plan to fire civil service workers if he gets back in the White House.
The Republican push to use military force in Mexico against drug cartels started in the Trump White House. He wants to make the idea a reality if he returns to the Oval Office .
Trump’s allies are preparing to populate a new administration with a more aggressive breed of right-wing lawyer , dispensing with traditional conservatives who they believe stymied his agenda in his first term.
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I’ve been fighting Australia’s mandatory immigration detention regime for decades – the high court’s decision is revolutionary
Mandatory detention has long been a running sore causing indiscriminate harm – it needs to be overseen by a proper judicial process
O n Wednesday the high court delivered a revolutionary result that upends more than two decades of jurisprudence. After hearing submissions over two days and taking a short adjournment, chief justice Stephen Gageler announced that “at least a majority” found that plaintiff NZYQ – a Rohingya man with a criminal conviction who faced the prospect of detention for life – was being held in immigration detention unlawfully .
The result overturns the 2004 ruling in the case of Al Kateb where the high court narrowly upheld the constitutionality of Australia’s mandatory immigration detention regime in cases where a non-citizen has no right to a visa yet cannot be removed from the country. The judges’ full reasons will not be available for some time. It’s the very first case heard by the new high court following Monday’s commissioning of chief justice Gageler and the induction of Justice Beech Jones.
NZYQ is a stateless refugee convicted of a child sex offence whose visa was cancelled on character grounds . The Migration Act mandated his detention and removal, but no country could be found to accept him – a situation similar to that of Al Kateb. The high court seems to have accepted that NZYQ faced the prospect of life in immigration detention, and that this constitutes punishment. The court has ruled the migration legislation unconstitutional because the mandatory provisions operate to vest punitive powers in immigration officials that can only reside in a court of law.
At least 92 and possibly as many as 340 current non-citizens have been held over long periods because they cannot be removed. From the perspective of international human rights law, Australia’s mandatory immigration detention law has long been a running sore. It is a policy that has indiscriminately harmed men, women and many children, causing death, permanent injury and shame. There are few areas of public administration in Australia that have been the subject of more inquiries, essays, doctoral theses, books and more national and international criticism.
Mandatory immigration detention was a personal driver in my now 30-year journey from practice into advocacy and scholarship.
Diverting from a traditional law career to help establish an immigration advisory service, the arrival of boats carrying fugitives from Cambodia in November 1989 changed my life.
The generosity shown to earlier refugees from Vietnam evaporated before the complexities of regional geopolitics. Prime minister Bob Hawke glowered at the Cambodians “Bob’s not your uncle”, even as he wept at the plight of Chinese students displaced by pro-democracy riots in China. The Cambodians were taken into closed detention, denied access to lawyers and moved about the country. They became our obsession. The group waited for years before their protection claims were formally denied. Nearly 40 Cambodian babies were born over the total four-year period. Seeing the little ones deprived of toys (they called it “passive deterrence”), walking through the detention centres like little old folk, unsmiling, serious and grave, had an excoriating effect on me as a young mother myself. In retrospect, it feels to me that the Cambodians stood at the top of a slippery slope. Until NZYQ it was pretty much all downhill from the point of their arrival.
In a class action named for Dr Chu Kheng Lim, the Cambodians won some points – notably on the constitutionality of a provision stating that no court could order their release. However, they lost the war when the high court upheld the concept of “administrative detention”. Incarceration by public servants with no judicial involvement was ruled permissible as long as the measure served to prevent entry by a non-citizen – and did not involve punishment. Chapter III of the constitution otherwise dictates that only a court can punish.
Lim’s administrative detention was embodied in changes to the Migration Act in 1994 and tested in high-profile cases, including the 2001 Tampa litigation, Al Kateb and related matters in 2004. In Al Kateb and Behrouz, arguments were made that mandatory detention changed character and became punitive – as well as physically and emotionally intolerable – when indefinite. A narrow majority disagreed, rejecting the contention that detention was necessarily indeterminate.
At heart, Chu Kheng Lim, Al Kateb and now NZYQ reflect a longstanding and visceral battle between the government and the judiciary over immigration control. Ever a matter of political sensitivity, immigration was one of the last bastions of closed government, immune from external oversight. When titans clash, the powerless suffer. Witness the years of turmoil in desert detention facilities and the scandal of multiple wrongful detention events and wrongful deportations. If we are serious about protecting the country and respecting human rights, immigration detention should serve a purpose and have an endpoint. It should also be overseen by a proper judicial process, as it was before 1994.
Mary Crock is professor of public law at the University of Sydney Law School and an accredited specialist in immigration law
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synonyms for detention
- holding back
- holding pen
- time up the river
antonyms for detention
Roget's 21st Century Thesaurus, Third Edition Copyright © 2013 by the Philip Lief Group.
How to use detention in a sentence
What’s happening is that the government is creating detention camps all over the country.
The government has provided limited information, and sometimes a family’s last known address is … a detention center.
For example, often the last known address provided was an immigration detention center.
Prosecutors appealed the case, triggering Szutowicz’s current detention .
In the spring, Alma Migrante and other groups sued to improve safety in migrant detention facilities in Baja California.
He then escaped from his detention and arrived on Tverskaya Avenue to join his supporters.
After two nights in detention , he was scheduled to be deported back to Turkey on Monday.
He is being held in pretrial detention in Baku and faces up to seven years in prison if convicted.
While in pre-trial detention , Krivov undertook two hunger strikes.
Perhaps the guards at the Guantanamo Bay detention facilities will finally be allowed to smoke cubans, too.
The cause of Haggard's mysterious detention in Rome, and of their own sudden flitting, became at once clear to her.
This detention was very vexatious, for we were not only losing a fair wind, but lying in a very exposed situation.
By statute and order the Central Authority had authorised compulsory detention for four hours and the exaction of a task of work.
I raced upward along the same paths by which Prince Genner had led me to my own detention quarters.
Our primary object in proposing detention is neither punishment nor imprisonment.
Choose the synonym for shake
Words Related To detention
- preventive custody
- protective custody
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Detention in a sentence
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- establishment of (237+5)
- environmental protection (276+4)
- engage in (168+3)
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- eastern europe (118+5)
- each time (272+2)
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